Central Europe

Orbán aims to make a big impact during Hungary's six-month EU presidency, starting with a controversial visit to Moscow. Shortly after, his party, Fidesz, joined the far-right Patriots alliance in the European Parliament—a long-time goal for Orbán, despite its likely marginal influence. Betting on Trump's re-election, Orbán still ensured a handshake with Biden at the NATO summit. Meanwhile, EU leaders are increasingly sidelining him during his presidency.

For the Hlas party, whose candidates won big in elections to the national legislature and the presidency in Slovakia, harsh anti-EU rhetoric and disinformation was a new tactic in the elections to the EP –  the wrong one, as it turned out.

At the turn of the millennium, the eastern enlargement of the European Union was understood as part of the liberal “end of history.” In the mid-2020s, it has long been evident that history has ended neither in Central and Eastern Europe nor in the EU. Today, we can reflect on the 20-year membership of Central European nations in the EU with respect to their former ambitions.

Cooperation among the countries of the Visegrád Group is directly dependent on the current political situation in each country. In recent years, the alliance has attracted attention for its criticisms of Southern European countries and its anti-immigration rhetoric. While the more liberal of the Visegrád countries tend to blindly imitate the West, the nationalists dream of a conservative Central Europe.

In the Czech Republic, the environment remains sidelined as a policy issue in comparison to many other EU Member States. While there have been some positive developments thanks to EU measures and financial support, numerous challenges remain unresolved.